A verifiable public record of U.S. immigration
enforcement, built by all of us and open to everyone - incidents,
agents, deaths, vehicles, and facilities, documented with sources.
A verifiable public record of U.S. immigration
enforcement, built by all of us and open to everyone - incidents,
agents, deaths, vehicles, and facilities, documented with sources.
Swipe
documented incidents and unidentified agents that still need footage or
an ID, and drop an anonymous tip. Anonymous, reviewed before anything
appears, installs to your phone.
The ICE List Wiki is a public, verifiable record of immigration enforcement activity in the United States.
It documents incidents, agencies, individuals, facilities, vehicles, and legal authorities involved in enforcement operations.
Entries are structured, sourced, and timestamped to support verification, cross-referencing, and long-term analysis.
The wiki is intended for use by journalists, researchers, advocates, and the general public.
Project status: This wiki is
in active development. Structure, navigation, and data standards are
being finalised. Older pages may be reformatted as standards are applied
consistently.
Johan Sebastián Durán Guerrero, a 26-year-old man originally from
Colombia, was shot and killed on the morning of 13 July 2026 during a
U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) operation in Biddeford, Maine.
Senator Angus King said Guerrero was not the operation's target; his
wife and young daughter were at the scene, and the agents wore no body
cameras. It is at least the 11th fatal shooting involving ICE or Border
Patrol agents this administration; the FBI is expected to investigate.
Most wanted
Most Wanted - unidentified agents
Federal agents recorded using force against the public who remain unidentified. Recognize someone? Submit a tip on their entry - your identity is not recorded.
No one in immigration court has the right to a public defender.
Detained adults and children often face deportation alone. The Florence
Project provides representation, Know Your Rights education, and family
support at no cost.
A community-curated library of films, documentaries, music and books
about immigration, detention and the fight for immigrant justice - kept
separate from the documented record.
The ICE List Wiki is designed for public use.
Journalists, researchers, and advocacy groups use the data to track
enforcement patterns, identify repeat agencies or jurisdictions, and
contextualise individual incidents.
Pages may be cited with attribution.
Coverage
ICE List in the media
The ICE List has been reported on and analysed by independent news
organisations, and indexed by academic and civic-tech projects. Read
some of that coverage here.
The .onion link requires Tor Browser. For maximum anonymity, use Tor and avoid submitting from a work device or network.
Verification and sourcing
Each page includes a verification status indicating whether claims
are supported by public records, media, video evidence, or other
documentation.
Unverified information is clearly labelled and is not presented as
established fact.
Pages may be updated as additional sources become available.
Navigate
Quick links
How to report an incident
Step-by-step instructions for submitting an incident with enough detail to verify and map it.
Deportation agents
Overview of ICE ERO officers, how we document them, and how to read agent pages.
By state
State directory
Browse state-specific portals documenting facilities, incidents, agents, and 287(g) agreements.
Submissions should be factual, specific, and supported by evidence where possible.
Speculation, harassment, or unverifiable claims are not published.
Contributors are encouraged to prioritise accuracy over speed.
Jericho, occupied West Bank –
Where Palestinian homes once stood among orchards and swimming pools on
the southwestern edge of Jericho, there is now only flattened earth.
Somewhere
beneath the packed dirt lie entire houses, dumped into pits and
smoothed over. Only a few severed water pipes hint that anyone ever
lived here – that, and the piles of rubble yet to be buried by an
Israeli settler’s excavator.
“Why
do you hide the crime you’re committing?” asked Khalil al-Razim, 60, a
Jerusalemite who has spent his summers on a plot of land here in the
area of Ein al-Duyuk for more than a decade.
Beside al-Razim’s
house, a pile of rubble more than two metres high blocks the entrance to
the home of his neighbour, Mohammad Salah. Next to the pile, Salah
stood with one of his four children. He now climbs his own fence to
reach his house.
Six months earlier in February,
during the first settler attack to tear through the area – with homes
demolished and damaged, and residents attacked and robbed – a settler
arrived with a bulldozer and began demolishing fences and houses in the
neighbourhood, including parts of Salah’s home. This summer, the same
work resumed under the guise of “clearing” the ruins those earlier
attacks had left behind – and in the process, the Israeli excavator
dumped piles of rubble in front of Salah’s home.
“How am I supposed to get into my own house?” Salah recalled asking the settler.
“That’s
not my problem, how you get into your house,” the man told him,
according to Salah. “Can’t get into your house? Go around another way
from here. This land is not coming back to you.”
Since July 19,
settler-operated excavators have kept coming on a near-daily basis – for
the supposed purpose of “clearing waste”, but doing far more than that.
The settler behind the attacks, identified by locals and in legal
filings from the Israeli state as Hanan Herbst, is escorted by soldiers
on every visit. No order has ever been shown to residents – no paper a
lawyer can hold up in court. “Not an official order,” Salah said. “It’s
all thuggery. Just brute force, nothing else.”
What is unfolding
here, according to residents, lawyers and the state’s own court filings,
is a subversion of normal legal processes that have all but erased the
line between settler ambition and state authority. In practice, Israeli
authorities have given the settlers close to a free hand over an entire
Palestinian neighbourhood.
“This is a state with no law,” Salah said. “No decency in it. A state of thugs.”
Want to come back to this article? Save it for later.
Al
Jazeera reached out to Israeli authorities for comment, but received no
response. Herbst was also reached by phone, but hung up after being
told he was being contacted by Al Jazeera. He has not responded to
further attempts at contact.
Ali Kaabneh in front of his partially destroyed home he still lives in [Courtesy of Unarmed Civilian Protection in Palestine]
A minister and a pogrom
Herbst
owns an Israeli settler outpost called Armonot Farm, built without
authorisation on a ridge overlooking Ein al-Duyuk in the summer of 2024.
It was initially illegal even under Israel’s own rules, but the Israeli
cabinet formally recognised it as a settlement, under the name Daya, at
the end of March.
The neighbourhood below, known locally as Stih,
sits a few dozen metres from the ruins of the Hasmonean and Herodian
winter palaces, an archaeological site Israel’s government has
designated a flagship for a planned network of “Judeo-centric” heritage
parks across the West Bank. On the morning of February 10, Heritage
Minister Amichai Eliyahu posted a video of himself at the ruins, Israeli
flag in hand. “Any place built on the heritage of the Jewish people,”
he said, “we will destroy it.”
Within hours of the post,
Palestinian residents said, dozens of masked settlers descended on the
area from the Armonot settlement and other outposts in what activists
and residents call an eight-hour “pogrom”. Two Palestinian communities
sit side by side here, and both were hit that day: a group of Bedouins
closest to the ruins, home to roughly a hundred people from the Kaabneh
tribe, and the neighbourhood of mostly villa-style homes belonging to
Palestinian families from elsewhere, including Salah’s and al-Razim’s.
Ali Kaabneh, 40, a Bedouin herder, was inside his house when the February 10 attack began.
“They
started throwing stones at me,” he said. “They forced me and my wife
out of the house. There were 13 families with me – they drove us out
with stones and weapons. It was a threat: I’m going to die if I don’t
get out.”
When the settlers withdrew roughly eight hours later,
Kaabneh’s 150 sheep had scattered, and his licensed tractor was gone,
driven up towards the settlement. Thirteen houses in the Bedouin
compound were demolished that day, he said. In the neighbouring
community, three homes were destroyed completely, according to Hussein
Taha, a longtime resident.
Many of the Bedouin families have lived
since then in the ruins of their partially destroyed homes, or without
shelter at all, according to Kaabneh.
A view of the area Palestinian residents say was razed by an Israeli settler in Ein al-Duyuk [Al Jazeera]
‘Clearing waste’
For
months afterwards, “there was a kind of calm”, Taha said, during which
settlers nonetheless carried out thefts of people’s properties and
uprooted trees. “But whoever wanted to fix his wall, [Herbst] would come
to him and stop him.”
But behind the scenes, developments
continued. In March, the Israeli military issued a seizure order for a
strip of Palestinian land for an access route to the archaeological site
– an order not handed to affected residents until weeks after it was
issued – part of a sharp increase in such orders that Israeli NGOs Emek
Shaveh and Kerem Navot say now overwhelmingly serve settler rather than
security interests.
That “calm” ended on July 19, at 8:30am, when
Herbst arrived with a bulldozer – ostensibly to bury rubble from
February’s attack, but soon damaging and destroying property well beyond
it. The walls of four homes were destroyed or damaged in the first day
alone, according to Taha. When residents and Israeli solidarity
activists reached out to police, the military, the Palestinian District
Coordination and Liaison Office (DCO) and the Civil Administration that
day, they were told no one knew anything about it.
By afternoon,
the official line had shifted, according to Yael Sela, a cofounder of
the Palestine Solidarity co-op that has maintained a presence in the
community since February: an unnamed “high-ranking” military figure, she
was told, had authorised the work – to “clear waste”.
In the
weeks since, residents and activists say, the bulldozers have demolished
or damaged additional houses, alleys, orchards and gardens, and dug
pits to bury the debris inside the residential area. Soldiers escort
Herbst and keep activists back, citing an ambiguous “closed zone”; no
official order has been produced for locals, though activists attempting
to enter and document the site have been arrested.
Lawyer Tawfiq
Jabareen filed for an emergency injunction at Israel’s High Court on
July 23, then again, urgently, on July 29, when the demolitions
intensified rather than stopped.
What came back, on the night of
July 30, was the state’s own account of how Herbst came to be there – a
filing, which Al Jazeera obtained, that revealed an extraordinary
example of the state deputising settlers to carry out demolitions and
land takeover.
The
filing revealed that a state-backed arrangement granting Israeli
settlers agricultural use of the land long predated February’s settler
attack. According to the state’s account, a March 2025 agreement was
reached between Herbst and the Settlement Division of the World Zionist
Organization to cultivate “state land” for agriculture.
Following
February’s mass settler attack that demolished the Palestinian homes in
the area, in May, the Binyamin Regional Council asked the Civil
Administration to let Herbst clear “building waste” from “previous
demolitions”, without specifying that those demolitions were the
settlers’ own making. Nonetheless, the Civil Administration approved the
request. The Jordan Valley Brigade commander, Colonel Gilad Shriki, then approved a military escort for Herbst.
At
least some of the Palestinian homes in the area have been under a
longstanding Israeli court injunction protecting them from demolitions.
The agreement instructed Herbst not to damage structures or trees and to
stay within the allocated area – instructions that, residents and
activists say, have been violated at every turn, under military escort.
“The
settler has demolished, and continues to demolish, buildings and uproot
trees, despite the existence of restraining orders from the court in
Jerusalem barring the army from demolishing them,” said Jabareen, who
filed his petition against the army, the settler and the state
prosecution together. “That is: the army circumvented the court’s
decision and sent the settler to do the demolishing instead.”
“The
Prosecution claims the [Settlement Division of the World Zionist
Organization] leased the land to the settler,” he said, “even though the
Civil Administration itself had barred the settler from demolishing any
building or any tree.”
“My analysis,” Jabareen said, “is that the
army and the Civil Administration are now in the settlers’ grip, and
there’s no longer any real difference between them.
“The law and court rulings mean nothing to them. They believe imposing facts on the ground is stronger than any court decision.”
Destroyed home in the Bedouin community in Ein al-Duyuk [Courtesy of Unarmed Civilian Protection in Palestine]
‘Why can’t I go back to my home?’
Across
the razed land, what remains standing is small strips of common-area
vegetation belonging to no one in particular. The state’s initial
response suggests Herbst plans to begin cultivating the razed land as
early as this week. The state maintains the ground itself is state land,
now allocated to Herbst for agricultural use – though, as Sela noted,
no map or boundary of that allocation has ever been produced.
“The
purpose of this act of destruction was to terrorise the Bedouin
community, and to create the impression that this was an empty area with
nobody living there – only piles of demolished concrete,” said Hussein
Taha. “Then this ‘kind settler’ wants to come and ‘clean up’ the area,
cultivate it, and benefit from it, because he supposedly loves
agriculture and green gardens.”
For al-Razim, whose family bought
land here more than a decade ago, what is happening feels familiar. He
is from Silwan, in occupied East Jerusalem, where settlers have spent
decades pushing Palestinian families out through a legal system that, he
says, offers no real recourse. His own son’s rented home in Silwan was
demolished by authorities. Due to the traditional system of ownership in
the area, Palestinian-held land often remains undivided family
inheritance, unregistrable under rules that demand proof no family can
produce.
“They know there’s no tabu [land deed] for it,” al-Razim said. “But [they tell us to] bring proof. So they exploit that gap.”
Unable
to safely reach their home and fearing settler attacks, Salah has moved
his wife and four children into a rented apartment in Bethlehem, for
2,000 shekels ($667) a month, though he is unable to find work there. He
goes back to what used to be his house, mostly alone, when he can.
“Any
time I bring it up with my wife, she breaks down,” said Salah outside
his blocked home. “She says to me, ‘We want to go back to our home.’ My
kids say to me, ‘Why can’t we go back to our home?’ I don’t know what to
say to them.”
Attempts to reason with the settlers have failed.
“These settlers don’t try to speak with you,” he added. “They only speak
in the language of power.”
He paused. “I feel like I’m weak,” he
said. “In front of my son, I’m weak – I can’t protect him, I can’t get
him back to his home. There’s no worse feeling than standing in front of
your kids and your wife and not being able to protect your home.”
Salah
glanced at his son accompanying him that day. “I always told my kids:
If you don’t make trouble, nobody will bother you. If you don’t cause
problems, the government won’t come after you. And my son says to me,
‘Dad, you’re a liar. Look – we don’t make trouble. And yet they came and
destroyed our house.'”
He gestured at the razed land adjacent to
their home, on the other side of the rubble. He looked up towards the
hillside above – Herbst’s excavator visible on the slope of the
now-legalised settlement.
“What am I supposed to say to him?”
2:27
Now Playing
02:27
New Israeli cabinet plans deepen existing Palestinian displacement, dispossession in West Bank
![Palestinian in Ein al-Duyuk sees settler bulldozer furthering damage in yard [Courtesy of Unarmed Civilian Protection in Palestine]](https://www.aljazeera.com/wp-content/uploads/2026/08/Palestinian-in-Ein-al-Duyuk-sees-settler-bulldozer-furthering-damage-in-yard-PC-Unarmed-Civilian-Protection-in-Palestine-1786475166.jpg?resize=770%2C513&quality=80)
![Ali Kaabneh in front of his partially destroyed home he still lives in [Courtesy of Unarmed Civilian Protection in Palestine]](https://www.aljazeera.com/wp-content/uploads/2026/08/Ali-Kaabneh-in-front-of-his-partially-destroyed-home-he-still-lives-in-PC-UCPIC-1786475292.jpg?w=770&resize=770%2C579&quality=80)
![A view of the area Palestinian residents say was razed by an Israeli settler in Ein al-Duyuk [Al Jazeera]](https://www.aljazeera.com/wp-content/uploads/2026/08/ANother-view-of-area-razed-by-Herbst-1786475352.jpg?w=770&resize=770%2C578&quality=80)
![Destroyed home in the Bedouin community in Ein al-Duyuk [Courtesy of Unarmed Civilian Protection in Palestine]](https://www.aljazeera.com/wp-content/uploads/2026/08/Destroyed-home-from-Bedouin-Stih-community-PC-UCPIC-1786475404.jpg?w=770&resize=770%2C579&quality=80)
