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https://thom.tv/p/the-thom-hartmann-program-4242026?r=275t9c
Experts warn unresolved questions over Lebanon could complicate efforts to secure a lasting agreement.

Mediators Qatar and Pakistan have said the United States and Iran agreed on “a roadmap towards reaching a final deal within 60 days”, following what they described as “encouraging progress” during the first day of high-level talks in Switzerland.
The discussions followed the signing of a 14-point memorandum of understanding (MoU) on June 17 that established a framework for de-escalation between Washington and Tehran and laid the groundwork for further negotiations.
The breakthrough came after a marathon 18-hour meeting at Lake Lucerne attended by senior officials from both countries.
The joint statement also announced the creation of a “de-confliction cell” aimed at ending Israel’s military operations in Lebanon, alongside a high-level committee and direct communication channels designed to support further negotiations.
US Vice President JD Vance led Washington’s delegation, alongside President Donald Trump’s son-in-law Jared Kushner and special envoy Steve Witkoff. Iran’s delegation was led by Parliament Speaker Mohammad Bagher Ghalibaf and included Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi.
“Yesterday was a very, very good day. We made a lot of good progress. We did exactly what we wanted to do,” Vance told reporters on Monday.
So what are the key takeaways from the talks?
A high-level committee has been established to “provide political oversight on the mediation”, according to a joint statement issued by Qatar and Pakistan, which acted as mediators in the negotiations. The statement said the committee had “agreed upon a roadmap towards reaching a final deal within 60 days”, with further technical talks expected to continue over the next two months.
“Chief negotiators will report regularly to the High Level Committee and lead working groups focused on nuclear, sanctions, and a monitoring and dispute resolution group to ensure the effective implementation of the MoU, and on other matters,” it added.
Thomas Warrick, a non-resident senior fellow at the Atlantic Council, told Al Jazeera the next phase of technical negotiations could prove far more challenging than the political agreement itself, and may ultimately take longer than the 60-day timeline outlined in the interim deal.
The agreement comes as major questions remain unresolved, including whether Iran will be permitted to continue enriching uranium, the fate of its stockpile of highly enriched uranium, the scope of international inspections and the timeline for sanctions relief.
On the nuclear issue, Warrick said “the biggest problem is that removing or downgrading the enriched uranium is going to take several thousand people, probably 1,000 Americans, going into some of Iran’s most sensitive nuclear sites”, referring to Washington’s demand for a role in diluting Iran’s enriched uranium stockpile.
“I can’t imagine Iran being very happy with that idea,” he added.



The parties have also established “a communication line” focused on the Strait of Hormuz to “avoid incidents and miscommunication with the aim of safe passage for commercial vessels through the Strait of Hormuz”.
The announcement comes amid continued disruption to maritime traffic through the strategic waterway, through which a fifth of global oil and gas passes. An analysis by maritime intelligence company Windward showed that 12 vessels crossed the strait on Sunday, down from 35 transits the previous day.
Iran’s de facto blockade of the strait triggered a global energy crisis, which affected economies around the world.
On Monday, Vance said the two parties will establish “coordination mechanisms”, one to oversee the ceasefire in Lebanon and one to de-mine the Strait of Hormuz.
Vance said technical negotiations will follow, and will continue over the “weeks and days to come”. The technical teams from the US and Iran will continue to negotiate terms of peace with “proper oversight”, he added.
“The final deal is the house,” Vance said. “We set the foundation. We haven’t built the house, but we’ve laid a successful foundation to get to a good place for the American people,” he added, saying there was still a lot to do.

The agreement also includes the creation of a “de-confliction cell” intended to support efforts to “ensure the adherence of the termination of military operations in Lebanon”.
Araghchi also declared “major progress” towards ending the war in Lebanon, but he cautioned that the first real test of the agreement would be the effectiveness of the “Lebanon de-confliction cell”.
It comes as Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu has said Israel will remain in a security zone in southern Lebanon for as long as it deems necessary. The Israeli-established buffer zone covers roughly 602 square kilometres (230 square miles), or about 6 percent of Lebanon’s territory.
The head of the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps’s Quds Force then warned Israel to leave southern Lebanon or risk a repeat of its withdrawal from the country in 2000.
Esmail Qaani wrote on social media that if Israel continued its “aggression and occupation”, it would be forced out in “humiliation and defeat”, according to state-run Press TV. Meanwhile, Hezbollah has yet to publicly comment on the agreement.
Al Jazeera’s Nour Odeh, reporting from Ramallah in the occupied West Bank, said that Israeli commentators described the outcome of the Switzerland talks as a strategic dilemma for Israel.
“The past ceasefire with Hezbollah was managed between the US and Israel. It gave Israel freedom of action,” she said.
“But this time, there’s a different dynamic… and Israel feels that it will be compelled to play along. Right now, the thinking, the planning, the manoeuvring in Israel centres around how much compromise can Israel do without completely losing the confidence of the Israeli public.”

Some analysts have questioned how the mechanism will have any impact on the ground in Lebanon. Joey Hood, a former senior US diplomat, noted that neither the Lebanese nor Israeli governments were directly involved in the negotiations that produced the mechanism, despite now being expected to implement any ceasefire arrangements.
“So it’s giving Iran that veto power over Lebanon … So the MoU seems to be saying, we accept Iran’s regional leadership role, including over its proxies,” he said.
Mark Kimmitt, a former US State Department official and retired military general, added that the inclusion of Lebanon in the broader negotiations “complicates it tremendously”.
“The fact remains, it’s not often the case that external powers can solve an internal problem in an internal conflict between two different countries,” he added.
But early signs suggest the agreement has had some impact, with Al Jazeera’s Heidi Pett reporting that “there has been a cautious calm here in Nabatieh as a ceasefire appears to be taking hold” in southern Lebanon.
“It has followed a very brutal and bloody couple of days for this city and the surrounding towns and villages,” she added.

Araghchi has also suggested that the agreement includes significant economic concessions from Washington, although the United States has yet to publicly confirm them.
In a post on X, he said sanctions on Iranian oil exports and petrochemical sales had been waived, the blockade had been lifted, some frozen Iranian assets had been released and a major reconstruction and development plan for Iran had been launched.
He described these measures as key Iranian conditions that had now been met.
However, Warrick cautioned that delivering sanctions relief may prove politically difficult in Washington, particularly where congressional approval is required.
“Congress is very unhappy with this deal right now. And it is not at all clear that Congress would agree to lift some of those sanctions that Iran wants lifted,” he said.
On Monday, Vance said that if Iranian assets are unfrozen, they will be used to buy American agricultural products. “They’re going to go to make American farmers richer and feed the Iranian people.”

“The Iranians have agreed to invite IAEA inspectors back into their country. That is a major milestone for the American people. And the first step in permanently denuclearising- permanently ending a nuclear weapons program in Iran,” Vance said. He added that some of the conversations with the inspectors and the IAEA could happen as soon as Monday.
He also said the US and Iran had made “a lot of great progress” on other nuclear talks, without providing additional details.
The IAEA, or the International Atomic Energy Agency, is the UN’s nuclear watchdog. IAEA inspected Iran’s nuclear programme under the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA), a 2015 nuclear deal with Iran, negotiated by former US President Barack Obama, but which Trump pulled the US out of in 2018.
Iran eventually barred inspectors from entering the country last year after the 12-day war with Israel, when Israel pounded nuclear and military sites. The US also joined the war, attacking three Iranian nuclear sites.
Iran’s uranium enrichment programme has been a major bone of contention between the US and Iran. While the US has been calling for Iran to hand over its stockpile of enriched uranium to it, Iran has stated consistently that it will not do this – although it has, at times, appeared willing to consider the prospect of handing it over to a third country. The agreement announced last week appeared to suggest that diluting it on site in Iran could also be an option.
Israel has repeatedly violated the October ceasefire brokered by the US.

At least six people, including four from one family, have been killed in Israeli attacks on Gaza.
An overnight Israeli strike at around 2:00 am on Saturday (23:00 GMT Friday) hit a building on al-Thalatini Street, a residential area in Gaza City, medical sources told the Wafa news agency.
Among those killed were a father and his two daughters – four-year-old Zina and 14-year-old Lana. The mother was wounded and died later on Saturday. Several others were injured.
“I was sitting at home. The rocket fell on us without a warning,” said their relative Mohammad Safadi, who had a forehead wound. He said both he and his wife were wounded in the attack.
“This ceasefire the occupation and the negotiation team speak of … is this really a ceasefire? We are civilians. I never held a weapon,” Safadi said.
“The area had not received any prior warning before the strikes,” said Al Jazeera correspondent Tareq Abuo Azzum, reporting from Gaza. “This is a grim reality that’s growing day in, day out.”
A medical source told the Anadolu ageny that a Palestinian woman was also killed by Israeli gunfire in the town of Beit Lahia, in the north of the strip.
In another incident, a Palestinian man was killed and a woman was moderately injured after an Israeli drone strike targeted pedestrians near Al-Saftawi roundabout in northern Gaza City, witnesses said.
Five people were injured earlier on Friday evening after Israeli air strikes targeted a tent sheltering displaced families in the al-Mawasi area of Khan Younis.
Meanwhile, Wafa reported heavy gunfire on Saturday coming from Israeli naval vessels off the coast of southern Gaza.
Since a ceasefire brokered by the United States in October, at least 1,007 people in Gaza have been killed while 3,165 others have been wounded, according to health authorities.
At least 73,018 people have been killed in the Gaza Strip since the start of the war in October 2023.
Israel restricts the entry of food, medical aid and shelter materials into Gaza, where about 2.2 million people have acute humanitarian needs. Israel’s military also continues to occupy large swaths of Gaza.



Israel’s war on the Palestinians never stopped; the world just stopped watching.
Palestinian American lawyer.

Most people in the West, even those who follow international news avidly, have likely not heard of Sam Fahd Abu Haikal, the seven-month-old Palestinian baby Israeli soldiers shot in the face and killed near Hebron in the occupied West Bank earlier this month.
They probably are not aware of the relentless, escalating Israeli violence across the rest of the occupied territories, either. Indeed, Western media rarely talk about West Bank villages like Sinjil, encaged in barbed wire, its residents forbidden to access their own land. News bulletins rarely mention how Israeli settlers continue to set fire to homes and cars, harass, threaten and torture Palestinian villagers while enjoying the Israeli military’s full support and protection. The fact that more than half of Gaza has been de facto annexed by the occupation in the past few months, and that Palestinians in the war-torn enclave are still starving, unable to access life’s most basic necessities, is buried at the bottom of long articles about Israel’s supposed security concerns and struggles.
As a result, much of the Western public, from the United States to Germany, appears to be under the impression that Palestine is now somewhat old news. As the war with Iran took over the headlines, coverage of Gaza fell away while the killing went on. They believe Israel has concluded its assault on Palestine with the so-called “ceasefire” in Gaza and turned its attention solely to its much bigger war of “self-defence” against the “terror state”, Iran, and its ally, Hezbollah, in Lebanon.
Now that Iran and the US have announced that they have reached a deal, the headlines talk of the “end of war”. But Israel’s war is nowhere near over, because it was never primarily against Iran. Iran is just another front in the same long war against Palestine.
Since the ceasefire came into effect in October, Israeli fire into Gaza has continued nearly every day, with more than 2,000 documented violations by spring and at least 981 Palestinians killed, many of them children – shot for approaching a yellow line that keeps approaching them. The buildings are still falling. The children are still dying. The snipers are still there. The drones are still there. The bulldozers are still there. And we are expected to call this a “ceasefire”.
The hunger has not ended, either. Aid is treated not as a right, but as a calculation: how little can enter, how slowly it can move, how long people can be kept alive without allowing them to live.
In mid-March, as the world’s attention shifted to Iran, the Israeli army sent aid organisations maps showing it had pushed 11 percent past the yellow line, from the 53 percent of Gaza the ceasefire granted it to 64. By late May, Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu was telling a settler conference that the army already held 60 percent and that he had ordered it to take 70, while the crowd screamed for 100 and he assured them that Israel was going in order, taking 70 first.
Palestinians can no longer reach roughly two-thirds of their own territory, including nearly all of Gaza’s farmland, which lies east of the yellow line. The geography now enforces starvation. Farmers are shot for trying to reach their land. Fishermen are killed for trying to reach the sea. Families are fired on for trying to return to what is left of their homes. Children looking for food are treated as targets for crossing the lines Israel drew through their own neighbourhoods. This is genocide administered as geography.
And it is exactly what the Iran story helps bury. When Gaza’s crossings close, Israel calls it security. When aid is blocked, it says the region is under threat. When Palestinians are killed, it folds them into the war with Iran, branding them terrorists after the bullet has already landed. The dead become operatives, collaborators, threats. The affiliation is conjured after the killing, as if even that would excuse shooting children in the head.
And so Palestine keeps disappearing inside another story. The dead are no longer dead because Israel killed them. They are dead because the region is unstable, because Iran is dangerous, because Israel says it is defending itself. Every Palestinian body is made to carry an explanation larger than the life that was taken.
The same method is visible in southern Lebanon, too, though even there it is narrated not as the forced emptying of land, but as another front against Hezbollah or Iran. Evacuation orders tear people from everything south of the Litani River. Up to roughly a fifth of Lebanon has been ordered emptied. More than 1.2 million people have been forced from their homes. Hospitals and ambulances have been struck. Land has been burned with white phosphorus. When displaced families try to walk home against Israeli instructions, they are treated as threats, because in this system, the punishable offence, in Gaza and in Lebanon alike, is going home.
The devastation in Lebanon does not push Palestine into the past. It merely shows what Israel has learned it can do after Gaza: order people out, destroy what they leave behind, and call the emptied land a security zone. The Iran frame turns all of this into a regional security story. It makes every front look separate, every victim look incidental and every emptied village look like the unfortunate geography of someone else’s war. The same language follows the displaced wherever they go. If they remain, they are human shields. If they flee, they are evidence that the land has been cleared. If they return, they are threats.
No deal with Iran can be mistaken for an “end of war” in the region while Palestinian land is still being taken, Gaza is still being starved, and the West Bank is still being carved apart by soldiers, settlers, checkpoints and barbed wire. The region will not be made stable by treating Palestine as a side effect of someone else’s conflict. Palestine is where this war begins again and again: where ceasefire becomes another name for control, where hunger becomes policy, where a baby shot in the face can be treated as a footnote.
Sam Abu Haikal was buried wrapped in a Palestinian flag, carried in his father’s arms, with all his innocent dreams dying with him. Sam was also the war, the whole of it: the story every headline keeps filing as a footnote to someone else’s missiles. The forgetting, and the forgotten, are Israel’s final weapon.
The views expressed in this article are the author’s own and do not necessarily reflect Al Jazeera’s editorial stance.
