Sunday, May 10, 2026

happy mothers day - Why is being a mother so expensive in the United States?

happy mothers day - Why is being a mother so expensive in the United States?

https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2026/5/10/why-is-being-a-mother-so-expensive-in-the-united-states 

 

Why is being a mother so expensive in the United States?

On Mother’s Day, Al Jazeera details the high cost of motherhood in the US compared with the rest of the world.

interactive mother's day cover-1778404466
(Al Jazeera)

For millions of women in the United States, being a mother comes with an extraordinary price tag.

From the earliest stages of pregnancy through childbirth and into years of childcare, expenses for healthcare, delivery and raising a child are significantly higher in the US than in most other wealthy countries. Even basic needs like medical care and childcare can place a major burden on families.

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At the same time, the US has one of the highest maternal mortality rates among high-income nations at 18.6 deaths per 100,000 live births, compared with fewer than three in countries such as Norway, Ireland, Switzerland and Italy.

Black women are about three times more likely to die from childbirth complications. In 2023, the maternal mortality rate was 50.3 per 100,000 live births for Black women, compared with 14.5 for white women and 12.4 for Hispanic women, according to the US Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC).

As people celebrate Mother’s Day in the US, Al Jazeera breaks down the cost of giving birth, maternity leave policies and childcare costs in the country compared with the rest of the world.

The high cost of giving birth

In the US, the cost of childbirth can vary widely depending on insurance coverage and whether the hospital and doctors are “in network” or “out of network”.

In-network providers have agreements with a mother’s insurance company, which usually means lower, negotiated prices for patients. Out-of-network providers do not, so even insured patients face much higher bills or unexpected charges.

According to the US Census Bureau, about 92 percent of Americans in 2023 had health insurance coverage through public programmes, such as Medicaid and Medicare, or private insurance, meaning roughly 8 percent were uninsured.

Even insured mothers can face bills running into thousands of dollars for routine deliveries, emergency procedures and postnatal care.

According to data from FAIR Health, an independent nonprofit organisation that analyses health insurance claims data, the national median in-network charge for a vaginal delivery is $15,178, rising to $19,292 for caesarean section births.

The map below shows the in-network costs per state. The most expensive include:

  • Alaska – $29,152 (vaginal birth)  $39,532 (C-section birth)
  • New York – $21,810 (vaginal birth), $26,264 (C-section birth)
  • New Jersey – $21,757 (vaginal birth), $26,896 (C-section birth)
  • Connecticut – $20,658 (vaginal birth), $25,636 (C-section birth)
  • California – $20,390 (vaginal birth), $25,169 (C-section birth)

Maria Haris, 40, was born and raised in the US and now lives just outside Denver, Colorado.

She asked that her name be changed because she was worried that revealing her identity could lead to backlash in her community.

Maria has a three-year-old daughter and is now in a single-income household after being laid off just weeks before her due date.

Now that her daughter is in preschool, she is trying to return to her corporate career but is struggling despite having been in well-paying roles throughout her career.

Haris said that despite having top tier insurance coverage, her childbirth and post-birth care has been a big financial burden.

“It was about $40,000 for the three days that I was in the hospital and about $6,000 a night for the room,” Haris said, explaining her out-of-pocket costs for her natural birth were about $3,000 out of the total.

She said she was charged nearly $600 a tablet for over-the-counter pain medication that was barely $5 a bottle at the time in supermarkets.

“My daughter had jaundice, and right after we got back from the hospital, she had to go into the NICU [neonatal intensive care unit] the next day, and we got another ridiculous bill for the nearly three days she was in the hospital.” she told Al Jazeera.

“I still have payment plans from her NICU visit three years ago.”

In-network vs out-of-network care

Medicaid is the single largest payer for childbirth in the US, financing 40.2 percent of all deliveries in 2024.

Medicaid is a US government health insurance programme for low-income people with pregnant women typically qualifying if their household income falls around or below roughly 200 percent of the federal poverty level. On average, that works out to about $50,000 a year for a family of three.

Compared with countries where public healthcare systems cover most childbirth costs, many Americans navigate pregnancy through a patchwork of private insurance, deductibles and hospital charges that can leave families with long-term debt.

According to data from FAIR Health, the national median out-of-network charge for a vaginal delivery is $31,117, rising to $44,432 for C-section births.

The map below shows the out-of-network costs per state. The most expensive include:

  • Nevada – $49,699 (vaginal birth), $72,604 (C-section birth)
  • New Jersey – $42,712 (vaginal birth), $55,730 (C-section birth)
  • California – $42,078 (vaginal birth), $66,662 (C-section birth)
  • Florida – $39,256 (vaginal birth), $57,072 (C-section birth)
  • Alaska – $38,800 (vaginal birth), $55,997 (C-section birth)

“People should know there is a charge for the nurses in the NICU, and if there’s ever a doctor, each doctor has their own in-network plans. If a doctor comes in to see you and that doctor is not in [your] network, you are then responsible to pay out-of-network costs for that doctor,” Haris told Al Jazeera.

She said Colorado passed a law a few years ago that if doctors are out of a patient’s network, they have to let the patient know and the patient has to sign a document to essentially be responsible for the costs.

The difference between in-network and out-of-network care can mean the difference between manageable medical costs and a financial crisis.

In some US states, out-of-network childbirth costs can rise to several times the average monthly income, particularly in emergencies where patients have little control over where they receive care.

‘I wish I had more time with my new baby’

The US remains one of the few wealthy countries without federally guaranteed paid maternity leave.

While many European countries offer months, and in some cases more than a year, of paid leave funded through national systems, American workers often rely on unpaid leave, employer benefits or personal savings.

The federal Family and Medical Leave Act 1993 guarantees some workers up to 12 weeks of unpaid leave, but millions of employees do not qualify or cannot afford to take time off without pay.

Jade, 43, is an African American mother of two from Chicago, Illinois, who requested her last name not be used.

She said her maternity leave fell short when she last gave birth eight years ago. Although she received 12 weeks of paid leave at 60 percent of her salary, followed by an additional four weeks unpaid, it still wasn’t enough to fully cover her needs.

“I wish I had more time at home with my new baby. But I was worried that if I requested more time that they would not grant it or my job would no longer be there, not to mention that the loss of income would be hard for my family. So I returned to work when my baby was four months old, and in the US, that is considered a good amount of time off, but in my heart, I knew it was not,” Jade told Al Jazeera.

Her total bill for her last childbirth in 2018 was just over $46,000, of which she had to pay $18,000 herself.

Maternity leave policies vary dramatically around the world, but most wealthy nations offer far more generous protections than the US.

The Balkan region consistently offers some of the most extensive leave policies in the world, often surpassing Western Europe in their duration.

Bulgaria leads globally, offering nearly 59 weeks of leave at 90 percent of a woman’s salary, while countries like Germany, Austria and Luxembourg guarantee full pay for 14 to 20 weeks. In the Nordic countries, generous parental leave systems, often shared between both parents, can extend to a year or more.

Childcare costs in US among world’s highest

After childbirth, childcare costs continue to strain household finances across the US. In 2023, couples in the US spent about 40 percent of their disposable household income on childcare, the highest share among selected developed economies.

That was nearly double the rate in Ireland at 22 percent and far above countries such as Germany, Italy and Portugal, where net childcare costs are close to zero due to state subsidies and public support systems.

New York Mayor Zohran Mamdani, a democratic socialist, has launched New York City’s first free childcare for municipal workers after winning election on a platform of affordability.

The table below shows the net cost of childcare as a share of disposable household income for couples in selected countries worldwide in 2023.

Jade managed to keep her childcare costs down by relying on her mother-in-law as a caregiver when she first returned to work and has since hired an au pair.

Haris says childcare costs are extraordinarily high in her part of Colorado, which has a higher cost of living than most other US states. She pays at least $25 to $30 an hour, which, over a 40-hour week, amounts to roughly $4,000 a month.

The 40-year-old says her husband, who is from eastern Europe where maternity services and childcare are robust, says “he doesn’t love it here anymore”.

“I have a child, and no job, my entire perspective of the US has changed,” she tells Al Jazeera.


Sign in ‘The midterms won’t save us’: Analyst on what Dems need to prioritize ahead of midterm elections

Poll: Americans disagree on what a ‘stolen’ election means

Poll: Americans disagree on what a ‘stolen’ election means

 https://www.politico.com/news/2026/05/10/poll-voters-stolen-election-concerns-00913086

The POLITICO Poll

Poll: Americans disagree on what a ‘stolen’ election means

New results from The POLITICO Poll show Democrats are worried about voter suppression while Republicans are worried about voter fraud.

Images of a woman mailing in a ballot, people waving American flags, a voter casting a ballot and Nevada Gov. Steve Sisolak receiving an "I Voted" sticker after voting at a polling center.

Illustration by Anna Wiederkehr/POLITICO (source images via Getty)

By Jessie Blaeser and Erin Doherty




Questions about the integrity of elections have become pervasive in American politics — and new polling reveals the sharp differences in Republican and Democratic fears.

Nearly six years after President Donald Trump and his allies sought to overturn the results of the 2020 election, a recent POLITICO Poll suggests that a notable number of Americans are distrustful of the system heading into November. More than one-third say it is likely the 2026 midterms will be “stolen,” and one in four say they don’t expect the elections to be fair.

But both parties clash strongly over what they believe are the core problems with U.S. elections, complicating any path to restoring voter trust.


This article is part of an ongoing project from POLITICO and Public First, an independent polling company headquartered in London, to measure public opinion across a broad range of policy areas.


You can find new surveys and analysis each month at politico.com/poll.


Have questions or comments? Ideas for future surveys? Email us at poll@politico.com.

Democrats are concerned about voter intimidation and suppression, with 58 percent of those who voted for former Vice President Kamala Harris worried that eligible Americans will be prevented from voting, the survey finds. Meanwhile, Republicans remain focused on the possibility of fraud, with 52 percent of Trump voters saying they are concerned that some ineligible people will be allowed to vote.

The POLITICO Poll asked respondents about 11 common election concerns, ranging from partisan gerrymandering to impounding ballots, and whether people saw them as legitimate parts of the process or a way to rig elections. Of those, Democrats and Republicans had meaningful disagreement or lacked consensus on six.

Take expanding mail-in voting, for example. Once considered a largely routine way to broaden access to voting, a majority of Trump voters now say this can be a way to rig elections. Harris voters feel the opposite: 59 percent say expanding mail-in voting is a normally fair or always fair part of the electoral system.

Then there’s deploying ICE at polling locations. A majority of Harris voters say the practice would more likely be a way to sway election results, even as some Republicans haven’t ruled out such a measure to strengthen election security. A 47 percent plurality of Trump voters say deploying ICE across polling stations would be normally fair or always fair.

The poll results reveal a striking truth as lawmakers continue to battle over election security: Even as a sizable share of Americans believe elections can, or will, be “stolen,” there’s very little agreement on what that even means.

“I don’t think that we have a great working definition of what constitutes … a free and fair election,” said Stephen Richer, a legal fellow at the Cato Institute and former Republican county recorder of Maricopa County, Arizona. “I think it is entirely possible that even within the world that doesn’t think that elections are being hacked by Italian spy satellites, that we have a disagreement as to whether or not we’ve had a free and fair election in 2026.”

Trump often claims the 2020 results were “stolen” and blames mail voting, the lack of strict voter ID and proof of citizenship laws for opening the door to voter fraud though courts and election officials have repeatedly upheld the legitimacy of those results. Many Democrats, on the other hand, are already bracing for Trump to interfere with the election and strategizing about ways to respond.

“President Trump is committed to ensuring that Americans have full confidence in the administration of elections, and that includes totally accurate and up-to-date voter rolls free of errors and unlawfully registered non-citizen voters,” White House spokesperson Abigail Jackson said in a statement.

Doubt about election proceedings has still not overtaken the electorate — nearly half of Americans say they still expect the 2026 midterms to be fair. But the survey — along with interviews with election experts — underscores how rhetoric from leaders is trickling down to voters.

David Becker, the executive director and founder of the nonpartisan Center for Election Innovation & Research, said the divergence results partly from the strict echo chambers within the Democratic and Republican parties.

“This goes back to the problem where many of us are retreating into our media bubbles, where we hear a reality that only serves to validate our existing opinions,” he said.

For Democrats, their doubts appear to be going up as Trump continues to repeat false claims about the 2020 election and raise alarms about the 2026 midterms.

Nearly 40 percent of Harris voters say it is likely the 2026 midterms will be “stolen,” compared to 16 percent who believed the 2020 election was stolen — though comparing perspectives on a past election to a future one is not an exact measure. That’s roughly the same level as Trump voters who doubt the integrity of the 2020 results or who fear the 2026 midterms will be stolen — both at around 40 percent — according to the poll results.

The survey finds that some of the most significant areas of disagreement or distance between the parties are the prospect of ICE showing up at polls, mail-in voting, and requiring proof of citizenship to register to vote.

Roughly 60 percent of Harris voters say ICE showing up at polling places would normally or always be a way to steal elections, compared to 33 percent of Trump voters who say the same.

The Trump administration has insisted that immigration officers will not be at polling places in November, but many Democrats have still expressed concern over the possibility. In March, nine state secretaries of state wrote a letter to Homeland Security Secretary Markwayne Mullin seeking confirmation that immigration agents would not be present at polling locations in November.

“If you have ICE outside of a handful of voting locations, I think that there are some on the left of the pro-democracy coalition, or the previously existing pro-democracy coalition, who would say that it invalidates the fairness of an election,” Richer said. “And then there are those of us who would say … it’s not ideal, and there are legal remedies, but that doesn’t mean that the election was stolen or should be thrown out.”

The 2020 election marked a major turning point in rhetoric surrounding mail-in voting, when Trump repeatedly criticized the practice during the COVID-19 pandemic — allegations he has continued to press in the years since.

Roughly 55 percent of Harris voters say banning mail-in voting could lead to a rigged election, while Trump voters are split on the issue: 41 percent say banning mail-in voting would largely be fair, while 42 percent say this would be a way to steal an election.

And then there’s the question of voter registration, and whether to require proof of citizenship when voters register — a core objective of Trump’s SAVE America Act. Just under two-thirds of Trump voters say this would always or normally be a fair part of the election process. A plurality of Harris voters agree, but by a much smaller margin: 44 percent say this would be a fair election practice.

Even the idea of voter roll maintenance — a common part of election administration that Trump’s Justice Department has intensified by aiming to strip non-citizens from every state’s rolls — shows a partisan gap. Roughly 60 percent of Harris voters say the practice of “purging voter rolls” is normally or always a way to steal an election, compared to just 46 percent of Trump voters.

There are areas where the parties agree. Pluralities or majorities of both groups agree that same-day voter registration and signing up new voters outside of churches are largely fair.

Majorities of both Trump and Harris voters say partisan gerrymandering can be a way to steal elections, which comes as officials in both parties engage in an intensifying redistricting arms race. There is also a near-majority consensus that seizing or impounding ballots can be a way to rig results. Earlier this year, the FBI seized 2020 election ballots from the Fulton County elections office in Georgia, and a federal judge recently ruled that the Justice Department can keep the election records as part of its search.

Still, election experts say the overall partisan divide is dampening voters’ confidence.

“We’ve now had multiple years in a row of state legislators passing and introducing and passing laws that are targeting voter access — making it harder to participate in the electoral process — where the actual mechanics of elections have been politicized, and that too takes its toll,” said Wendy Weiser, the Brennan Center for Justice’s vice president for democracy.

About the survey

This edition of the POLITICO Poll was conducted by Public First from April 11 to 14, surveying 2,035 U.S. adults online. Results were weighted by age, race, gender, geography and educational attainment. The overall margin of sampling error is ±2.2 percentage points. Smaller subgroups have higher margins of error.